(a) Social, Economic and Political

A sound constitution and a system of proportional representation have resulted in a measure of political representation, which is positive for a post-conflict situation.

The relationship between Renamo and the ruling Frelimo party remains an uneasy one.

President Chissano has opted out of running for the third term, despite constitutional permission to do so; this augurs well for entrenchment of democracy in the country and region. Frelimo once again won the 2004 election, with Guebuza becoming the new president.

Mozambique is popular with institutional and bilateral donors. She has made significant strides in economic development and post-war reconstruction after the Rome Peace Accord of 1992, averaging a GDP of 9% for the past four years. However, Mozambique is still one of the poorest countries of the world and the economic growth has not yet begun to be felt by the majority of her people.

The gains of post-war economic growth are highly skewed, with limited economic development taking place in rural areas, particularly in the northern and central provinces. As a result, dire poverty is common beyond the industrial hubs of Maputo, Xai Xai, Inhambane, Nampula and Beira.

Mozambique’s vulnerability is evident in policy formulation that has been influenced by the World Bank’s cost recovery policies in the health sector, and tariff pegging for the cashew nut industry having near-disastrous effects.

HIV/AIDS is a major challenge and the government is dealing with it inconsistently.

Civil rights are theoretically upheld, but a combination of police ineptitude, corruption, poor human rights training, and the lack of recourse to justice for poor people result in gross abuses of rights on a daily basis.

A theoretically independent judiciary is severely constrained by poorly trained personnel and limited resources.

Infrastructure destruction caused by severe floods in recent years has significantly hampered development efforts by both governmental and non-governmental agencies.

Work of NGOs is further affected because they have minimal resources but with surmountable needs. The lack of English language competence also makes it difficult for civil society organisations to participate effectively in regional networking activities.

Although donor voices on the issue are muted, cases of official corruption are a major public concern, as they appear to be on the increase, evident through the revelations of the Cardoso trial.

(b) Media, Freedom of Expression and Information & Communication Technologies

Media are relatively free to operate, and a number of publications and broadcasting stations have gradually emerged over the past decade. This, on paper, has given a voice to diverse opinions and views.

The murder of media entrepreneur and investigative journalist Carlos Cardoso in November 2000, and other recorded incidences of political and security intimidation of media workers demonstrate that powerful sections in Mozambican society pose a violent and determined threat to the democratic principles of media freedom and free expression.

The political and social elite do not hesitate to use repressive sections of the law to silence the media. This includes the libel cases brought against the late Cardoso’s paper Metical by President Chissano’s son Nympine. The case relates to articles written by Marcelo Mosse alleging that Nympine had been found in possession of cocaine. The case, together with the death of Metical’s proprietor Cardoso, forced Metical into bankruptcy and closure. Such physical and legal intimidation has enhanced the climate of fear and self-censorship that pervades much of the media in Mozambique. The previously feisty media have subsequently retreated and become more cautious.

Moves are underway to introduce access to information legislation, as well as the introduction of a voluntary media council to replace the current state-appointed body.

The main language of much of the media in Mozambique is Portuguese, an official language that the majority of the people outside the cities neither read nor speak.

Radio is one of the leading sources of information for the majority, yet poor transmission and reception infrastructure, poverty and the high levels of illiteracy limit accessibility and use. Radio broadcasts are rarely received outside the main towns and cities.

Telephones are expensive and very few. Few people outside the main urban centres have access to basic telephone services.

The government with donor organisations are developing a network of ‘community’ radio stations throughout the country in a bid to plug the communication void. These radio stations are becoming an important part of the country’s communication infrastructure as they offer an opportunity for decentralised broadcasting unmatched in southern Africa. However, the stations’ editorial independence is compromised by the control exercised by the government’s communication department, ICS. Also real community participation in these ‘community’ radio stations is either non-existent or forced from above.

A number of publications are also beginning to re-emerge, adding to the opportunities for more localised communication.

The new wave of investments in the ICT and Telecommunications sector is welcomed but the investment remains in the cities, thus excluding the poorer rural areas.

(c) Education

Illiteracy in Mozambique is high. On average, girls remain in school for three years and boys for four years.

There has been little opportunity since independence in 1975 to build schools, as Mozambique has been at war for much of this period. Therefore, school infrastructure is generally run down, underdeveloped or non-existent. Many children learn in dilapidated buildings or in the open without basic facilities like desks. This is particularly so in rural areas.

Teachers are generally poorly trained and lowly paid. In many cases, pupils revert to rote learning as the teachers themselves are just a little more qualified than the pupils they are supposed to assist.

Much of the curriculum is poorly designed and in some cases totally irrelevant to the current and developmental needs of Mozambique.

On the positive side, public expenditure on education has steadily risen after the war, with donor support supplementing the small gains emanating from decelerated national debt servicing. However, juxtaposed against the overwhelming demand for education, the level of investment in the sector remains negligible.

Overall, education remains one of Mozambique’s most significant weaknesses. On an Education Performance Index (EPI), Mozambique ranks ahead only of Chad, Pakistan, Angola, Haiti, Bhutan, Niger and Ethiopia.