(a) Social, economic and political

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world with a per capita Gross National Income of US$160 (World Bank, 2004). Income distribution is also very unequal.

70 per cent of the population lives below poverty line, the poorest population being smallholder farmers and their families, especially those living on the southern border with Mozambique

Agricultural sector has deteriorated in the past ten years.

80 per cent of the country’s population lives in rural areas where access to basic social services is severely limited.

The country is very densely populated with a very high rate of forest loss and a fragile environment.

The country has experienced tremendous economic decline from the 1980s owing to war in neighbouring Mozambique, severe drought, poor governance, dwindling donor support and the imbalance in world trade.

Malawi attracts little foreign private investment. This partly reflects its limited resource base, but rising crime, poor physical and financial infrastructure and procedural delays are other inhibiting factors.

Most women have a low status in society and are often victims of gender-based violence. Discriminatory and retrogressive laws and policies continue to affect women.

Food insecurity affects at least 60 per cent of the population.

Food security and nutrition policy was drafted in 2003.

HIV and AIDS are rife, resulting in low life expectancy, the reduction of the economic capacity of most households, and an increase in the number of orphans.

The government is targeting 36,000 people for Anti Retrovirals out of 80,000 people requiring ARVs out of 700,000 people infected.

Although Malawi is, in terms of the constitution, a multi-party democracy, the country is fragmented politically along largely ethnic, regional and religious lines.

The major improvements in human rights and political tolerance made following the advent of multi-party democracy now are under extreme threat, and political violence is rampant.

Civil Society Organisations still remain event oriented instead of creating a comprehensive development agenda.

Horizontal linkages among Civil Society intuitions seem to be weak.

The judicial system suffers from political manipulation and a severe lack of resources.

Corruption in the public sector is rampant.

Electoral process has deteriorated instead of improving.

(b) Media and Freedom of Expression

Politicians or members of their families control much of the country’s media. As a result, the politicians − especially members of the ruling UDF party − have an inordinate influence over the outlooks, conduct and content of the media.

However, in general, there has been a gradual growth in new, privately owned and religious radio stations, but their coverage remains limited.

Alternative media voices striving for independence are few and far between, and those that exist remain vulnerable to legal and physical intimidation.

The media fraternity is highly divided, thereby providing little collective support to those within the industry who come under attack. The division within the media is reflected by the lack of co-operation between organisations representing media, although there are signs that this may be improving.

Non-state media remain urban based and focused, and so inaccessible to the majority of the people.

Although the constitution enshrines freedom of expression and media freedom, laws dating back to the eras of the one-party state and colonial rule, remain on the statute books and so continue to infringe upon and limit freedoms related to the media and the people’s right of expression. Even members of the judiciary appear to be unaware of, or unwilling to apply constitutional guarantees of free expression, as illustrated by the granting of some highly repressive and arguably unconstitutional injunctions against private media houses.

The broadcasting sector is largely under the control of the State, while most of the few non-state broadcasters tend to be driven by commercial or religious imperatives than public service delivery.

Nonetheless OSISA has supported two community based radio production initiatives that have opened up space for the creative use of the unrivalled reach of the national radio station by broadcasting independently produced programmes that focus on grassroots’ development.

OSISA has also supported the expansion of the reach of the Malawi Institute of Journalism training broadcasting station, that currently, is the only viable option to the government controlled Malawi Broadcasting Corporation.

Malawi has a nominally independent communications regulator, but much of the real regulatory power in the communications sector still lies with the government. The country’s communication Act, as well as the Constitution, are relatively progressive laws, and provide and allow for the creative use of the media to advance open society ideals.

Unfortunately, that space is not fully taken advantage of because of, among other things, the state of the economy that can not support a vibrant media sector; lower media professionalism; and the weak civil society.

Radio remains the country’s most important information and communication tool owing to low levels of literacy, and the inaccessibility of the print media.

Unethical and unprofessional journalism abounds, particularly within the print media. This is despite the fact that a Malawi media professional code of conduct exists. However to counteract this, a school for short-term journalism skills upgrading courses was established about 10 years ago with donor funding. Additionally, a communication programme was established at the University of Malawi. The two initiatives have immensely contributed to the growth and professionalisation of media practice in Malawi.

The country has also a media council that is too weak to enforce professional practice adequately and effectively.

Furthermore, the struggle for survival in a harsh economic environment, and the subsequent reliance on political patronage and pressure from the ruling elite, makes it difficult for media workers to abide by the media code of conduct.

Malawi has dilapidated telecommunications infrastructure, and many of the country’s rural poor do not have access to a telephone. Even those who do are often prevented from using it by the prohibitively high cost of basic telephony and other ICTs.

(c) Capacity Building

Malawi is characterised by a weak civil society that lacks genuine commitment to intervene strategically in challenges affecting the country.

Civil society organisations work as separate entities and usually take a piecemeal approach to programming hence weakening bargaining power.

The spirit of voluntarism has disappeared with the current economic pressures the country faces and political influence.

Poor funding for rural community based organisations hinders the formation of a vibrant social movement which can draw community participation in governance.